Wednesday, 30 November 2016

Igbos Biafrans are Making Us Proud Everywhere They Go: Another Igbo-Born Pearlena Igbokwe Announced as the New President of Universal Television, USA

The New President Of Universal Television, USA Is Nigerian born Yale Graduate Pearlena Igbokwe. She is an Igbo Civil War survivor.
Igbo-born Pearlena Igbokwe has been named President Universal Television, a subsidiary of National Broadcasting Cable (NBC), Universal Television Group.
The veteran Executive Producer is not only the first Nigerian to head a major US television studio, but also the first African-American female to assume the position.
She was named studio president on Friday, replacing Indian-American Bela Bajaria who stepped down earlier in the week after nearly five years of running the Los Angeles-based unit.
Announcing Igbokwe’s new position on Friday, the president of NBC Entertainment, Jennifer Salke, described her track record at NBC as remarkable, thus making her a good choice for the topmost position at the studio. Jennifer said:
“Pearlena’s remarkable track record in drama programming at NBC over the last few years made it clear that she was the ideal choice to lead the studio into its next phase of growth.
Her leadership, vision and taste have resulted in an impressive string of drama successes – from The Blacklist, Blindspot, Chicago Med, Shades of Blue and the upcoming series This Is Us, Timeless and Taken—that coincides with our return to a top position among networks.”
Pearlena Igbokwe was born in Lagos State, grew up in a small village in the southeastern part of Nigeria where she hails from and had joined her father in the US at the age of six after the Nigerian civil war.
She joined NBC Entertainment four years ago as executive vice president for drama development after working two decades as a programming executive for Showtime Networks, which is owned by CBS Corp. Greenblatt was in charge of programming at Showtime until 2011, when he joined NBC.

She was featured as one of Multichannel News’ “Wonder Women” in 2010, had  also appeared previously in Hollywood Reporter’s “Top 35 under 35,” as well as in Ebony and Black Enterprise’s “Top 50 Showbiz Players.

Nigerian novelist: How I was banned from speaking Igbo

In our series of letters from African journalists, Nigerian novelist and writer Adaobi Tricia Nwaubani recalls how she was banned from speaking her mother tongue.
My parents forbade my local language, Igbo, from being spoken in our home when I was a child.
Unlike the majority of their contemporaries in our hometown of Umuahi in south-east Nigeria, my parents chose to speak only English to their children.
They also conversed between themselves in English, even though they had each grown up speaking Igbo with their own parents and siblings.
On the rare occasion my father and mother spoke Igbo with each other, it was a clear sign that they were conducting a conversation in which the children were not expected to participate.
Guests in our home adjusted to the fact that we were an English-speaking household and conformed, with varying degrees of success.

Our live-in domestic staff were equally compelled to speak English.
Many arrived from their villages unable to utter a single word of the foreign tongue, but as the weeks rolled by, they began to string complete sentences together with less contortion of their faces.

Over the years, I endured people teasing my parents, usually behind their backs, for this decision. "They are trying to be like white people," they said.
Similar accusations were levelled against Lee Kuan Yew, Singapore's former prime minister, when he replaced Chinese with English as the official medium of instruction in schools.

But, as he explained in his autobiography, From Third World to First, "With English, no race would have an advantage.... English as our working language has... given us a competitive advantage because it is the international language of business and diplomacy, of science and technology.
My parents seemed to share these convictions.
Each time it was my turn to stand and read to my primary school class from our recommended Igbo textbook, the pupils burst into a giggling session at my placement of the wrong tones on the wrong syllables.
Language tests
Again and again, the teacher made me repeat the words. Each time, the class's laughter was louder. My off-key pronunciations tickled them no end.
But while the other pupils were busy giggling away, I went on to get the highest scores in Igbo tests. Always.
Because the tests were written - they did not require the ability to pronounce words accurately.
The rest of the class may have been relaxed in their knowledge of the language and so treated it casually, probably the same way a reckless Briton might treat his or her study of English.
I, on the other hand, considered Igbo foreign and so approached the subject studiously.
Igbo banned in school
I also read Igbo literature and watched Igbo programmes on TV. My favourite was a comedy titled Mmadu O Bu Ewu?, which featured a live goat dressed in human clothing.
Speaking Igbo was also banned in the boarding school I attended.

The Federal Government Girls' College, Owerri, was one of the country's "Unity Schools" founded after the Nigerian civil war to promote integration among ethnic groups and to discourage divisions and tribalism.
Local languages were part of the curriculum, but speaking them beyond the classroom was a punishable offence.
And so, under the tutelage of some of the country's best teachers, I continued my ardent study of Igbo, despite not having the opportunity to practise how to speak.
By the conclusion of secondary school, I was confident enough in my knowledge of Igbo to register it as one of my subjects of choice for the university entrance exam.
Everyone thought I was insane. Taking a major local language exam as a prerequisite for university admission was not child's play.
Results for language exam
I was treading where expert speakers themselves feared to tread. I still meet many Igbos who have been speaking the language all their lives, but are unable to read and write it fluently.
On the appointed day, presided over by supervisors in premises outside my school, less than six of us sat in the large hall, never mind that the exams were taking place in an Igbo town.
When the results were eventually released, my score turned out to be good enough, when combined with my scores in the two other subjects I chose, to land me a place to study psychology at Nigeria's prestigious University of Ibadan.

In Ibadan, south-west Nigeria, home to the Yoruba ethnic group, I was free to speak Igbo at last.
Far away from home, from the giggling voices, and from those who did not allow me to speak Igbo, I was finally free to express the words that had been bottled up inside my head for so many years - the words I had heard people in the market speak, read in books and heard on TV.
Speaking Igbo in university was particularly essential if I was to socialise comfortably with the Igbo community there, as most of the "foreigners" in the Yoruba-dominated school considered it essential to be seen talking their language. "Suo n'asusu anyi! Speak in our language!" they often admonished when I launched a conversation with them in English.
"Don't you hear the Yorubas speaking their own language?" Thus, in a strange land, I finally became fluent in a mother tongue that I had hardly uttered my entire life.
An English-Igbo man
Today, few people can tell from my pronunciations that I grew up not speaking Igbo.
"Your wit is even sharper in Igbo than in English," my mother insists.
These days, she enjoys it when I gossip with her in Igbo, although I still can't get myself to speak the local tongue with my father who, despite being a typical Igbo man in many ways and a titled chief, has never regretted choosing English over Igbo.
And, for some strange reason, my eloquence in Igbo often regresses whenever I am in the presence of anyone who was privy to my days as a non-speaker.
Maybe it is the memory of their mockery that ties up my tongue.
Eager to show off my hard-earned skill, whenever I come across publishers of African publications, especially those who make a big deal about propagating "African culture", I ask if I can write something for them in Igbo. They always say no.
Despite all the "promoting our culture" fanfare, they understand that local language submissions could limit the reach of their publications.

Now comes the BBC with its announcement that it will broadcast in Igbo, as part of the World Service's biggest expansion since the 1940s. At last, the next generation of Igbo experts have an international platform on which to display their skills.

http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-38069481

Operation Python Dance: FG, S/East govs plot to let Army loose on us – IPOB - By Chimaobi Nwaiwu, Nnewi

The Indigenous People of Biafra, IPOB, has described the recent launch of Operation Python Dance in the South-East and the threat to deal with them as “an attempt to divert attention and a diversionary measure to free itself from the indictment, condemnation and criticisms it has roundly received over the Amnesty International report that criticized their barbaric activities in South-East states. It is also a plot to kill more IPOB members.”

IPOB said “the report is unsettling the military in Nigeria and outside Nigeria because of its involvement in the  senseless and avoidable killing  of innocent Igbo. They should bury their face in shame over their unsuccessful attempt to deny their barbaric killing of innocent, unarmed and non violent IPOB members, other Biafra agitators and non agitators.”

IPOB in a statement by its Media and Publicity Secretary, Mr. Emma Powerful, alleged that “the Federal Government, through the military and South East Governors have connived to unleash another terror on IPOB members and other Biafra agitators and innocent citizens, less than six months after the killings they are trying to deny but without success.”

According to the statement, “this Operation Python Dance is not necessary in any part of South-East because the area already has peace and security, and does not need the army  and its checkpoints which they will turn to toll gates for making money. The Federal Government of Nigeria and the Army Defence Headquarters have stationed the military in every part of the South-East to snuff life out of all IPOB members and Biafra agitators in South-East and South-South.
“However, we are going to hold the South-East governors responsible if any life is lost in the South-East, because the Federal Government of Nigeria and Defence Headquarters cannot afford to bring the military equipment in all the parts of South-East without the consent of the governors.”

IPOB lashes out on Al-Mustapha

Also yesterday, the group lashed out at Major Hamza Al-Mustapha for saying that the Igbo are not united, saying that he is not properly informed.
IPOB alleged that it was his Northern counterparts who are deceiving him that the Igbo are not united, adding that Igbo of today are more united than the Northerners who are killing everybody in the name of senseless Boko Haram insurgency.
“The Igbo are united, and with IPOB, we are achieving more unity in this fight for the restoration of Biafra. Even our brothers separated with the creation of states and named Niger Delta region are part of this unity.”

MASSOB urges for prayer
The leader of the Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra, MASSOB, Comrade Uchenna Madu, yesterday, urged the pro-Biafra agitators in the country to pray ahead of the Federal High Court ruling on the leader of the IPOB tomorrow.

He said: “Ndigbo shall not abandon their own son because of  personal interests. As Nnamdi Kanu and others  appear in court  onDecember 1, MASSOB  urges the people of Biafra all over the world to observe praying, fasting and supplication for our brothers and Biafra heroes.

“MASSOB members will engage in charismatic prayer meeting at MASSOB headquarters, Okwe on  December 1.  As we demand for the release of Nnamdi Kanu  and others, we shall maintain our non violence principle.
“Until Igbo leaders understand the efficacies, potencies and political value of MASSOB, IPOB and others, they will never progress politically in Nigeria.


“Today, major Igbo leaders have abandoned Mazi Nnamdi Kanu, Chidiebere Onwudiwe, Benjamin Nwawuisi and Madubugwu of IPOB; Innocent Orji, Sabastine Amadi, Uchenna Nicholas and 17 others of MASSOB and Benjamin Onwuka and others of BIM because they thought that these men pose threat to their political adventures in Nigeria or economic interest.”

Justice Ngwuta’s trial, ethnic cleansing against Ndigbo – Group

A SOUTH-EAST based nongovernmental organisation, the Movement of Voice for Democracy, MVERS, has alleged that the prosecution of Supreme Court judge, Justice Sylvester Ngwuta, for alleged corruption was part of ethnic cleansing President Muhammad Buhari-led government launched against Igbo people.
The group in a statement issued on Tuesday and signed by its promoter, Mr. Ifeanyichukwu Okonkwo, disclosed that Justice Ngwuta was the third in the hierarchy of the Supreme Court justices of Nigeria today and had over eight years to stay, and called on Igbos to come together to fight the perceived injustice against them.

It pointed out that after analysing the federal government preferred against Justice Ngwuta, “we came to the conclusion that it is superfluous. It is not justice and certainly, is not about fighting corruption.

This is targeted at fighting to destroy the people who should be next in line to occupy highest judicial office in this country and we say it without equivocation.
Justice Ngwuta has about eight years to stay in the Supreme Court. He is in his 60’s and is to retire at 70yrs. Igbos should look beyond what is going on now because it is an ethnic cleansing.

Justice Ngwuta is the highest Igboman in the Supreme Court,” the statement averred. It posited that it was dutybound on the prosecuting counsel from the Office of the Attorney General of the Federation to tell Nigerians what they were charging Justice Ngwuta for, stressing that the allegation that Justice Ngwuta awarded contractor to build $1 million house in Nigeria could not be a charge of corruption. The statement read: “How many Nigerians have built houses worth $1 million? Have they been charged to court for corruption

or is it because Justice Ngwuta is an Igbo and has nobody to speak for him? When has giving contract to a contractor amount to corruption? They have to prove that Justice Ngwuta cannot afford a contract of $1 million. “Speculation cannot be basis for criminal charge. 

First, this man has been charged to court; his accounts have been frozen and he is not being paid salary, how can he defend himself? How can he find money to hire lawyer to defend himself, eat and transport himself to court? The issue is simple: you found N37 million, $57, 000 in his house and the man has denied that he doesn’t have such money in his house.

The Central Bank director of currency must come to court and as one who signed those currencies they will bring as exhibit to tell Nigerians through what means did he release it into circulation and how did the money end up under the custody of DSS who alleges that they found it in Justice Ngwuta’s house; this is not fairy tale.
You said the man has two passports, three passports, yes; he is entitled to diplomatic passport and he had a regular passport before.


If the passport has expired it is of no moment, no law says if your passport expires, return it to Nigeria. “If you said he took bribe, most Supreme Court panels are constituted by seven-man panel. Investigate other Supreme Court justices because Justice Ngwuta cannot collect bribe in isolation. We know justices of Supreme Court that have hotels; have they been charged? “President Buhari himself has interest in Panapina. If we want to face the reality, let us set a standard and let everybody pass through it. Get the banks to bring account statements of Nigerians and let everybody come and justify his or her worth, including President Buhari himself. He should show us where he got the money used to finance his election,” the group charged.

Tuesday, 29 November 2016

Genocide Of Biafra Protesters: Exposing Nigerian Army’s Shameless Falsehood Over Amnesty Int’l Report

In the late evening of November 23rd, 2016, the long awaited Special Report of Amnesty International; the world’s largest and most respected rights body, was released from its London Headquarters, and almost immediately after the release of the report; the Nigerian Army hurriedly, sheepishly, and shamelessly released a statement of denial and falsehood, reproduced below; bolded and italized:
AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL’S PLANNED CAMPAIGN OF CALUMNY AGAINST THE NIGERIAN ARMY ON MASSOB/IPOB VIOLENT PROTESTS IN THE SOUTH EAST NIGERIA BETWEEN AUGUST 2015 AND AUGUST 2016
The attention of the Nigerian Army has been drawn to a planned release of a report by Amnesty International on an unfounded storyline of mass killings of MASSOB/IPOB protesters by the military between August 2015 and August 2016.  We wish to debunk the insinuation that our troops perpetrated the killing of defenceless agitators. This is an outright attempt to tarnish the reputation of the security forces in general and the Nigerian Army in particular, for whatever inexplicable parochial reasons.  For umpteenth times, the Nigerian Army has informed the public about the heinous intent of this Non-Governmental Organisation which is never relenting in dabbling into our national security in manners that obliterate objectivity, fairness and simple logic.
The evidence of MASSOB/IPOB violent secessionist agitations is widely known across the national and international domains.  Their modus operandi has continued to relish violence that threatens national security.  Indeed between August 2015 and August 2016, the groups’ violent protests have manifested unimaginable atrocities to unhinge the reign of peace, security and stability in several parts of the South East Nigeria. 
A number of persons from the settler communities that hailed from other parts of the Country were selected for attack, killed and burnt.  Such reign of hate, terror and ethno-religious controversies that portend grave consequences for national security have been averted severally through the responsiveness of the Nigerian Army and members of the security agencies. 
These security agencies are always targeted for attack by the MASSOB/IPOB instruments of barbarism and cruelty.  For instance, in the protests of 30 – 31 May 2016, more than 5 personnel of the Nigeria Police were killed, while several soldiers were wounded, Nigeria Police vehicles were burnt down same as several others of the Nigerian Army that were vandalized.
The strategic Niger Bridge at Onitsha came under threat thus leading to disruption of socio-economic activities.  In the aftermath of the encounter that ensued between security agencies and MASSOB/IPOB militants many of own troops sustained varying degrees of injury.  In addition, the MASSOB/IPOB recurrent use of firearms, crude weapons as well as other cocktails such as acid and dynamites to cause mayhem remain a huge security threat across the Region.
In these circumstances, the Nigerian Army under its constitutional mandates for Military Aid to Civil Authority (MACA) and Military Aid to Civil Powers (MACP) has continued to act responsively in synergy with other security agencies to de-escalate the series of MASSOB/IPOB violent protests. 
Instructively, the military and other security agencies exercised maximum restraints despite the flurry of provocative and unjustifiable violence, which MASSOB/IPOB perpetrated.  The adherence to Rules of Engagement by the military has been sacrosanct in all of these incidents. 
Therefore, it is rather unfortunate for the Amnesty International to allow itself to be lured into this cheap and unpopular venture that aims to discredit the undeniable professionalism as well as responsiveness of the Nigerian Army in the discharge of its constitutional roles.
Thank you for your usual cooperation.
Colonel Sani Kukasheka Usman
Acting Director Army Public Relations
While we gladly and unreservedly commend the authorities of the Amnesty International-UK for their courage, in depth investigation and analysis and apt findings concerning the report; we wish to expressly state and hold that the statement of the Nigerian Army, in which it shamelessly attempted to deny culpability and grossly misrepresented facts of the matter; is totally provocative, false, watery, unprofessional, crude, culpably homicidal, atrocious, shameful, Jihadist and remorseless.
The Army statement also falls far below or acutely short of the doctrines of modern soldiering or military science; the international best practices in civilian affairs handling styles as well as the Principles and Purposes of the United Nations particularly protection and promotion of human rights and international peace and security.
The contents of the Army statement further depict unprofessionalism and grossly run contrary to the Fundamental Rules of the International Law particularly the “Ten Basic Standards of the International Law and Humanitarian Principles”; containing strict guidelines for State actors in managing nonviolent (and even riotous) assemblies; other than active armed rebellion against an independent political territory recognized under the UN System.
Therefore, having critically and expertly studied the Nigerian Army statement, the leadership of International Society for Civil Liberties and the Rule of Law; firmly finds contradictorily and boldly states as follows:
1.    That the Nigerian Army of present composition is Jihadist and ethnically biased in its operations and exercise of its auxiliary securitization roles particularly as it concerns its genocidal response to the peaceful and nonviolent processions and protests by members of the Indigenous People of Biafra and other Pro Biafra campaigners as well as those of the Islamic Movement of Nigeria (IMN).
2.    That the Nigerian Army is a military assemble dominated by promoters and perpetrators of ethnocide, religocide and genocide.
3.    That the Nigerian Army’s operational modes are utterly vindictive, Yorean, hegemonic, crude, barbaric, murderous and atrocious.
4.    That the Nigerian Army grossly and recklessly adopts and uses via Presidential backing; operational death code of “treat (including waste or kill) any Pro Biafra Campaigner as a terrorist, failed coupist or insurrectionist with associated torturous and murderous sanctions outside the law.
5.    That the Nigerian Army is engrossed in falsehood and criminal spinning of alarming proportions.
6.    That the Nigerian Army brazenly and wickedly corrupts and bastardizes the UN Principles of Rules of Engagement; which are fundamentally embedded in the Geneva Conventions or Laws of War of 1949; which, in turn, originated from the three war (bellum) principles of Jus Ad Bellum, Jus In Bellum and Jus Post Bellum.
7.    That the Nigerian Army’s constant reference to use of “Rules of Engagement” in massacring unarmed and defenceless members of the Islamic Movement of Nigeria (IMN) and unarmed and defenceless citizens exercising their regional and international rights to Self Determination such as members of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) is a total corruption and bastardization of the UN System’s Rules of Engagement; strictly designed for internal and international armed conflicts as well as a fundamental breach of the Fundamental Rules of the International Law under the UN System.
8.    That under the UN System, no armed forces of any member-State of the UN including the Nigerian Army are allowed to use war-like weaponry and force to control or manage citizens’ street match grievances; and where force is allowed at all, principles of Use of Force and its Proportionality must be strictly applied at all times (i.e. firearms or automatic weapons must not be used to disarm protesting citizens holding catapults).
9.    That till date, there are no traces of members of the IPOB taking up arms against the Federal Republic of Nigeria or any part thereof.
10.  That till date, no concrete evidence has been produced by the Federal Government empirically showing that members of IPOB have engaged in bombing of any government or public facility or killing of soldiers and other members of the security forces in battle fields.
11.  That till date, no battle fields whether active or passive have been identified and linked to members of the IPOB.
12.  That till date, no member of IPOB dead or alive has been linked by any branch of the Nigerian security forces; with provable evidence; to culpable homicide or murder of any innocent Nigerian citizen.
13.  That almost all the street protests embarked upon by members of IPOB since July/August 2015 have been devoid of violence; particularly at the beginning of the protests and where any violent rarely erupted; it most likely occurred on account of rare expression of angers and frustrations by the surviving peaceful protesters over the unprovoked shooting and killing of their unarmed and defenceless colleagues by soldiers and other members of the security forces.
14.  That the host State Governments in the protesting areas, in conjunction with killer-security agents have on several occasions, attempted to plant violence into the peaceful protests so as to find grounds to unleash deadly State violence on the Pro Biafra peaceful protesters; and in some cases; some police personnel were found to have been used as sacrificial lambs by their operational commanders during the peaceful protests by being collaterally shot so as to portray IPOB as a violent or militant group.
15.  That where such unfortunate police officers rarely met the wrath of provoked and retreating peaceful protesters by way of clubbing or fist cuff wounds, they most likely got shot under in-service circumstances so as to blame it on IPOB and its leadership and portray same as “Armed Independent People of Biafra” (Retired IGP Solomon Arase, June 2016).
16.  That the use of Biafra Flags, Chaplets and Holy Bibles during IPOB street protests or Church Vigils or School Compound Singing and Praying can never be translated or interpreted to mean “use of firearms”, “dynamites” or “raw acids”.
17.  That conversely, there were provable evidence that it was soldiers that used raw acids and machetes against the unarmed and defenceless Pro Biafra Campaigners particularly during the 9th of February 2016 IPOB singing and prayer procession inside the National High School in Aba as well as the 29th and 30th of May 2016 World Igbo/Biafra Heroes Day at Nkpor and its environs.
18.  That further attestation to the fact that Pro Biafra Campaigners particularly members of IPOB have remained nonviolent and a non-armed opposition group could be seen in the nine-count criminal charges preferred by the Federal Government against Citizen Nnamdi Kanu and three others before a Federal High Court in Abuja.
19.  That in the whole charges none of them is charged with evidence generated murder or manslaughter, or rape, or armed uprising or active terrorism; and that in the case of Engineer Chidiebere Onwudiwe who was charged with “terrorism”; the accusation to the effect that he was “caught in Enugu researching on how to make Improvise Explosive Devices (IEDs)”, will legally take the second coming of Jesus Christ for it to convictably proved.
20.  That in the case of Mr. Benjamin Madubugwu, who was charged with “unlawful possession of firearms (Pump Action Gun)”; the “Pump Action Gun(s)” is categorized under the Firearms Act of 2004 as “non prohibited firearms” (i.e. it can be possessed by any citizen with a valid license).
21.  That the Nigerian Army and other culpable security agencies in the butchery of at least 250 Pro Biafra Campaigners have no iota of defense or justification for heinously perpetrating the mass-murder with reckless abandon in about eight different locations between July/August 2015 and May 2016.
22.  That their attempts to “manufacture or plant group violence” to escape their deadly culpabilities have failed woefully; locally, regionally and internationally.
23.  That these explain desperation of the Buhari Administration and its killer-security forces, leading to seemed unleashing of both physical and psychological threats on the authorities of the Amnesty International in Nigeria so as to scare them from releasing the Special Report in Nigeria; forcing them to change its release venue from Nigeria to UK, as was the case three days ago.
Signed:
Emeka Umeagbalasi, Board Chairman
International Society for Civil Liberties & the Rule of Law (Intersociety)
Mobile Line: +2348174090052
Obianuju Igboeli, Esq.
Head, Civil Liberties & Rule of Law Program
Mobile Line: +2348180771506
Chinwe Umeche, Esq.
Head, Democracy & Good Governance Program
Mobile Line: +2347013238673

Thursday, 24 November 2016

Indigenous Peaple of Niger Delta (IPND) Bill of Rights: Declaration 08 - Position on the Call for the the Restoration of Biafra Republic...

The Indigenous People of Niger Delta (IPND) has over the past 18 months watched the unfolding identity crisis befalling Nigeria as it affects the basis of continuous coexistence and the call for restoration of Biafra Republic. We have watched closely with keen interest and have made far reaching consultations with our leaders, youths and women on state of the Nigerian union and the way forward:
Firstly we must state here that the indigenous people of Niger Delta worked so hard in the founding of Nigeria but the Nigeria we have today is definitely not the dream Nigeria of our forefathers. This is not the Nigeria of dream of our most visionary and highly idealistic monarch of blessed memory;
H.R.M. Esezi II, The Orodje of Okpe; who was amongst delegates of Kings that attended the 1957 Lyttelton Conference held in London in order to seek the Nigerian independence from the indirect government of the colonial master. The Nigeria we have today is not the Nigeria of dream of Late Pa. Anthony Anahoro who was the first to move for the independence of Nigeria which was eventually granted in 1960 after several political setbacks and defeats in parliament. As IPND we are proud of the fact that our Late Father, Pa Anthony Enahoro has been regarded by academics and many Nigerians as the "Father of Nigeria State". However, we recall in history that his motion for Nigeria's Independence suffered setbacks in parliament on several occasions with the northern members of parliament staging a walkout as a consequence of the motion. Instead of nationalizing through continuous dialogue and agreement between the different indigenous people in Nigeria, what we have today is a state based on unity by force.
For the avoidance of doubt, we have to clearly state here that the indigenous people of Niger Delta (IPND) hold and share solid cultural affinity, ideology and religious beliefs with our Igbo brothers (Ndi-Igbo) of south easterner Nigeria. As a fact, we have Igbos from Delta, Imo, Abia and Rivers State who are from the Niger Delta Region, hence we cannot sit down and fold our hands with our mouths closed as the Nigerian Government continue to use the military to massacre our armless brothers who are only calling for restoration of Biafra Republic which form part of their fundamental human rights. We must state here that the Indigenous People of Niger Delta have good knowledge about the history of Biafra and also the impact of the Biafran War in Niger Delta Region. Therefore for the avoidance of repeating the mistakes of the past we hereby call on the Government of Nigeria in strong terms to unconditionally and forthwith set free the current icon of the Biafra struggle, Namdi Kanu as he is only agitating for self-determination as stipulated in the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples of 2007. It is our strong belief that Nigeria Government cannot achieve peaceful coexistence between the different indigenous people and nations that make up the Nigerian State by force as there is no such a thing as unity by force. Thus, we hereby call on the Government of the Federal Republic Nigeria and the United Nations to as a matter of National and Global emergency convoke a Sovereign National Conference for the different ethnic nationalities in Nigeria to discuss modalities of continues coexistence.
Finnally; we commend IPOB for the peaceful manner they have been going about the agitation for the restoration of Biafra Republic and we hereby urge them to continue to explore the non-violence approach in the pursue of their course until the Government of Nigeria and the UN shall convoke a Sovereign National Conference for the different ethnic nationalities in Nigeria to discuss modalities of contineous coexistence.

Office of the Publicity Secretary, IPND.